特朗普崛起背後 該怎麼理解白人民族主義
A question has been posed in a puzzled whisper in many of the nation’s living rooms and newsrooms ever since Donald Trump’s triumph in this month’s presidential election: What, exactly, is white nationalism?
自唐納德•特朗普(Donald Trump)在本月的大選中獲勝以來，在美國不少家庭和編輯部裏都有人困惑地低聲唸叨一個問題：白人民族主義到底是什麼？
Self-proclaimed white nationalists have happily embraced Trump’s victory and, particularly, his choice of Stephen K.
自稱白人民族主義者的人開心地把特朗普的勝利，尤其是他選擇史蒂芬•K•班農(Stephen K.
Bannon as chief strategist, as a win for their agenda.
Bannon)擔任首席策略師的做法當成是他們議程的勝利。
A barrage of groups that fight discrimination and hate speech have, in turn, criticized Bannon’s appointment, warning that his embrace of the alt-right movement was little more than an attempt to rebrand racism and white nationalism into something palatable enough for mass consumption.
反過來，大量反對歧視和仇恨言論的團體指責任命班農的決定，警告稱他對另類右翼(alt-right)運動的大力支持無異於試圖把種族主義和白人民族主義重新塑造成能夠讓人接受，可供大衆消費的概念。
And much of the rest of the country has been left to wonder what this unfamiliar term actually means.
這些人以外的美國民衆則感到莫名其妙，不知道這個少見的說法到底是什麼意思。
While white nationalism certainly overlaps with white supremacy and racism, many political scientists say it is a distinct phenomenon — one that was a powerful but often-unseen force during the presidential election and will most likely remain a potent factor in US and European politics in coming years.
白人民族主義當然與白人至上和種族主義存在共同之處，儘管如此，很多政治學家稱它是一種不同的現象——在大選期間是一股強大但常常無形的力量，未來很多年裏極有可能仍是美國和歐洲政治中的一個強效因素。
Eric Kaufmann, a professor of politics at Birkbeck University in London, has spent years studying the ways that ethnicity intersects with politics.
倫敦大學伯克貝克學院的政治學教授埃裏克•考夫曼(Eric Kaufmann)潛心數年，研究族羣淵源與政治的相互影響。
While most researchers in that field focus on ethnic minorities, Kaufmann does the opposite: He studies the behavior of ethnic majorities, particularly whites in the United States and Britain.
儘管這一領域的大部分研究者都把重點放在了少數族羣上，但考夫曼卻反其道而行之：他研究的是多數族羣的行爲，特別是美國和英國的白人。
White nationalism, he said, is the belief that national identity should be built around white ethnicity, and that white people should therefore maintain both a demographic majority and dominance of the nation’s culture and public life.
他說，白人民族主義是一種信念，認爲應該圍繞白色人種建立國民身份，因而白人應該保持在人口中的多數地位，以及在國家文化和公共生活中的主導地位。
So, like white supremacy, white nationalism places the interests of white people over those of other racial groups.
因此，和白人至上一樣，白人民族主義把白人的利益放在了其他種族的利益前面。
White supremacists and white nationalists both believe that racial discrimination should be incorporated into law and Policy.
白人至上主義者和白人民族主義者都認爲，種族歧視應該被納入法律和政策中。
Some will see the distinction between white nationalism and white supremacy as a semantic sleight of hand.
一些人會認爲白人民族主義和白人至上之間的差別只是詞語上的障眼法。很多白人至上主義者也是白人民族主義者，反之亦然。
But although many white supremacists are also white nationalists, and vice versa, Kaufmann says the terms are not synonyms: White supremacy is based on a racist belief that white people are innately superior to people of other races; white nationalism is about maintaining political and economic dominance, not just a numerical majority or cultural hegemony.
儘管如此，考夫曼說這兩個詞並非同義詞：白人至上是建立在白人天生比其他種族優秀的種族主義信念上；白人民族主義說的是保持在政治和經濟領域的主導地位，不僅僅是人數上的優勢或文化霸權。
For a long time, he said, white nationalism was less an ideology than the default presumption of American life.
他說，在很長一段時間裏，白人民族主義與其說是一種思想，不如說是對美國生活的默認設想。
Until quite recently, white Americans could easily see the nation as essentially an extension of their own ethnic group.
直到最近，美國的白人還很容易認爲這個國家本質上是他們的族羣的延伸。
But the country’s changing demographics, the civil rights movement and a push for multiculturalism in many quarters mean that white Americans are now confronting the prospect of a nation that is no longer built solely around their own identity.
但美國不斷變化的人口組成、民權運動以及很多方面對多元文化主義的推動，意味着美國的白人現在面臨的情況是美國不再是一個完全只圍繞他們自己的身份認同構建的國家。
For many white people, of course, the growing diversity is something to celebrate.
當然，對很多白人來說，日漸豐富的多樣性值得慶祝。
But for others it is a source of stress.
但對其他人來說，這是壓力的源頭。
The white nationalist movement has drawn support from that latter group.
白人民族主義運動得到了後者的支持。
Its supporters argue that the United States should protect its white majority by sharply limiting immigration and perhaps even by compelling nonwhite citizens to leave.
該運動的支持者辯稱，美國應該通過嚴格限制移民，甚或通過強迫非白人公民離開美國來保護占人口多數的白人。
Trump’s appointment of Bannon as his senior counselor and chief West Wing strategist has, more than anything, brought white nationalism to the forefront of conversation.
特朗普任命班農擔任自己的高級顧問和西配樓首席策略師的做法尤其把白人民族主義者推上了風口浪尖。
He is the former editor of Breitbart News, a site he described in August to Mother Jones as the platform of the alt-right.
班農曾是布萊巴特新聞(Breitbart News)的主編，並曾在8月對《瓊斯母親》(Mother Jones)稱該網站是‘另類右翼’的平臺。
Although the alt-right is ideologically broader than white nationalism — it also includes neoreactionaries, monarchists and meme-loving internet trolls — white nationalism makes up a significant part of its appeal.
儘管另類右翼在意識形態方面比白人民族主義更廣泛——它還包括新反動派、君主主義者和鍾愛米姆的網絡挑釁者——但白人民族主義構成了其吸引力中重要的組成部分。
For instance, Richard Spencer, who runs the website , is also the director of the National Policy Institute, an organization that says it is devoted to protecting the heritage, identity, and future of people of European descent in the United States, and around the world.
比如，理查德•斯潘塞(Richard Spencer)既是網站的負責人，也是全國政策研究所(National Policy Institute)的所長。該機構自稱致力於保護美國和全世界有歐洲血統者的文化遺產、身份認同和未來。
Spencer argues that immigration and multiculturalism are threats to America’s white population and has said his ideal is a white ethno-state.
斯潘塞稱移民和多元文化主義是對美國白人的威脅，並表示他的理想是建立一個白人種族國家。
He has avoided discussing the details of how this might be achieved, saying it is still just a dream, but has called for peaceful ethnic cleansing to remove nonwhite people from US soil.
他避免討論如何實現這一點的細節，稱那仍然只是一個夢想，但他呼籲進行和平的種族清洗，以將非白人趕出美國的領土。
Bannon, the Trump adviser, told The Times upon his appointment that he does not share those ethno-nationalist views.
身爲特朗普的顧問，班農在就自己的任命接受時報採訪時表示，他不贊成那些種族民族主義觀點。
But under his leadership, Breitbart News has gone to considerable lengths to cater to an audience that does.
但在他的領導下，布萊巴特新聞不遺餘力地迎合認同相關觀點的讀者。
And in a 2015 radio interview that was resurfaced last week by The Washington Post, Bannon opposed even highly skilled immigration, implying he believed it was a threat to American culture.
在2015年的一次電臺採訪中，班農甚至反對技術移民，暗示他們是對美國文化的威脅。上週，《華盛頓郵報》(The Washington Post)讓那次採訪再次浮出水面。
When two-thirds or three-quarters of the CEOs in Silicon Valley are from South Asia or from Asia, I think ...
當硅谷三分之二或四分之三的首席執行官都來自南亞或亞洲時，我覺得……
he said, trailing off midsentence before continuing a moment later, a country is more than an economy.
說到一半時他的聲音逐漸降低，過了一會兒才接着說，一個國家不只有經濟。
We’re a civic society.
我們是一個公民社會。
White nationalists, including Spencer, have rejoiced at Bannon’s appointment to such a senior position in the Trump White House.
包括斯潘塞在內的民族主義者，對班農在特朗普領導的白宮被委以如此重任高興不已。
But focusing on high-profile figures like Bannon may obscure the more significant way that white nationalist ideas are affecting politics — and fueling the rise of politicians like Trump in the United States as well as anti-immigrant populist movements in Britain and continental Europe.
但把注意力放在像班農這樣的重要人物身上，可能會掩蓋白人民族主義思想影響政治——並助長像特朗普這樣的政治人物在美國的崛起，以及英國和歐洲大陸反移民民粹主義運動的方式，後者更重要。
Kaufmann argues that anxiety over white identity and anti-immigrant populist politicians can have a symbiotic relationship, each strengthening the other.
考夫曼稱，白人身份認同引發的焦慮和反移民民粹主義政治人物之間可能存在一種相互增強的共生關係。
When populist politicians gain mainstream success, that can make white nationalist ideas more socially acceptable.
當民粹主義政治人物獲得主流的成功時，這可能會讓白人民族主義思想變得更容易被社會接受。
It’s not just a question of ethnic change and people being alarmed over it, he said.
不僅僅是一個族羣變化和人們對它感到擔憂的問題，他說。
It’s also a question of what people see as the boundaries of acceptable opposition.
也是一個人們認爲可接受的反方界限是什麼的問題。
It’s about what counts as racism, and whether it’s racist to vote for a far-right party.
它關乎什麼可以被當做種族主義，以及投票支持極右翼政黨的行爲是不是種族主義。
This is all about the anti-racist norm, Kaufmann continued.
這一切都和反種族主義準則有關，考夫曼接着說。
If it’s weakening or eroding because people think the boundaries have shifted.
如果它正在衰退或是減弱，那是因爲人們認爲界限變了。
