緬甸當局必須停止迫害羅興亞人

In the first three months of this year, some 25,000 people, mostly from the persecuted Rohingya Muslim minority, left the Bay of Bengal by boat in search of a better life. Instead, they have suffered the most appalling treatment at the hands of ruthless smugglers and unsympathetic governments. At least 300 have died from “starvation, dehydration and beatings”, according to the UN. Between 6,000 and 20,000 are now adrift at sea, turned away from Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia in what one human rights campaigner likened to a sickening game of “human ping pong”. The situation is desperate. If action is not taken, dozens or possibly hundreds of people could die.

今年頭3個月，約有2.5萬人——大多是受到迫害的穆斯林羅興亞(Rohingya)少數民族——乘船離開孟加拉灣，以尋求改善生活狀況。然而，他們卻遭到了殘忍的走私犯和一些無情的政府最駭人聽聞的對待。聯合國(UN)稱，至少有300人死於“飢餓、脫水和毒打”。現在還有6000到兩萬人相繼被泰國、馬來西亞和印度尼西亞拒絕入境，不得不繼續在海上漂流，一位人權活動人士將這種相互推諉比作一場令人作嘔的“人類乒乓球”比賽。形勢極爲嚴峻。如果不採取行動，數十人乃至數百人可能都會面臨死亡。

This is a tragedy in three acts. Many of the refugees bound for Malaysia are either from the western Rakhine state of Myanmar or from refugee camps in Bangladesh. The Rohingya, many who have been in Myanmar for generations, are effectively stateless. Ironically, as Myanmar’s military boot has lifted, anti-Rohingya sentiment has stiffened among the majority Buddhist population. The Rohingya, referred to dismissively as “Bengalis”, are popularly considered foreign interlopers with an alien religion and a high propensity to breed. In 2012, mobs killed at least 170 and drove some 140,000 into desperately ill-provisioned camps. As hope fades, the incentive to flee rises.

這是一場三幕悲劇。這些前往馬來西亞的難民，很多都來自緬甸若開邦(Rakhine)西部或者孟加拉國的難民營。儘管許多羅興亞人已經在緬甸生活了好幾代，但羅興亞人事實上是沒有國籍的。諷刺的是，隨着緬甸告別軍政府統治，占人口多數的佛教徒中的反羅興亞情緒更爲高漲。羅辛亞人被輕蔑地稱爲“孟加拉人”，緬甸當地人普遍視他們爲從外國闖入、傾向於生育更多孩子的異教徒。2012年，暴民殺害了至少170人，並使14萬人被迫居住於供給極爲不足的難民營。隨着希望逐漸破滅，羅興亞人外逃的動機也不斷增強。

The second act is carried out by human traffickers. Many refugees are imprisoned in “ransom for release” camps in Thailand. Those who cannot pay may be beaten, raped or left to starve. Belatedly Thai authorities have cracked down after finding a mass grave in one of the camps. Smugglers, who can no longer store their human cargo in Thailand, have cut their boats loose at sea. Act three is what happens when those boats try to make landfall in Malaysia, Thailand or Indonesia. All three countries have pushed them away. In the short term, the focus should be on those in immediate peril. The three countries concerned must urgently mount rescue operations and bring the migrants safely to shore. Aid organisations can then take care of their pressing needs while a longer-term solution is found for those who can prove they are political refugees.

第二幕是由人販子導演的。許多難民被關押在泰國“拿贖金放人”的營地。那些無法支付贖金的人可能遭到毒打、強姦或者被活活餓死。泰國當局遲遲未採取措施，直到在其中一個營地發現集體墳墓後纔對此類行爲進行了打擊。無法再把人扣留在泰國的走私犯便任船隻在海上漂流。第三幕悲劇是那些試圖在馬來西亞、泰國或者印度尼西亞登陸的船隻遭遇的事情。這三個國家都拒絕讓這些船隻上岸。短期來看，我們應重點關注那些現在就身處危險之中的人。上述三國必須緊急展開救援行動，將這些移民安全帶到岸上。之後援助組織可着手解決他們的緊要需求，與此同時對那些能證明自己是政治難民的人，也有長遠的解決方法。

The only lasting solution to the mass exodus is to be found in Myanmar itself. Rohingya are leaving in droves because they see no future. This is probably the point. Authorities may hope that, if conditions are bad enough, Rohingya will simply leave. One organisation called the strategy a “soft elimination”. Myanmar’s political leaders should reverse course. Authorities should regularise the Rohingya’s status, made even more precarious after temporary identity cards expired at the end of March. Ideally that would mean full citizenship for most. In the interim, authorities could issue residency cards that allow freedom of movement. If Rohingya can start making a living and send their children to school they may conclude they have a future in Myanmar after all.

大規模難民外逃的唯一長久解決之道需要從緬甸自己身上尋找。羅興亞人大批離開，是因爲他們看不到未來。這或許就是問題的關鍵。當權者可能寄望於，如果狀況足夠糟糕，羅興亞人就只能離開。一個組織將這種策略稱爲“軟性消滅”。緬甸的政治領袖應轉變策略。自3月底臨時身份證過期後，羅興亞人的處境已變得更加危險，緬甸當局應讓羅興亞人的身份合法化。在理想情況下，這將意味着賦予大多數羅興亞人正式的公民身份。在過渡時期，當局可以發放允許持有者自由流動的居留卡。如果羅興亞人能夠謀生，能夠送子女去上學，他們或許會認爲自己在緬甸還是有未來的。

The international community can play a role. Myanmar must be made to understand it cannot persecute a minority with impunity. There should be a cost in terms of how quickly — or whether — remaining sanctions are dismantled. Fellow governments in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations can probably play the biggest role of all. It was their softly-softly approach that nudged Myanmar out of its military isolationism in the first place. Malaysia and Indonesia, both Muslim-majority countries, have a particular duty to persuade Myanmar that its anti-Rohingya policies are unacceptable. Only if official persecution stops will some good have come from this tragedy.

國際社會可以在其中發揮作用。國際社會必須讓緬甸知道，迫害一個少數民族不可能不受懲罰。應該讓緬甸爲這種行爲付出代價，這種代價體現爲多快解除對緬甸的制裁，抑或是否解除制裁。在各方中，東盟(ASEAN)十國中其他國家的政府或可發揮最大作用。追根溯源，正是這些政府細緻耐心的策略一點點推動緬甸走出了軍事孤立主義。馬來西亞和印度尼西亞的人口都以穆斯林爲主，這兩個國家尤其有義務說服緬甸相信其反羅興亞政策是不可接受的。只有官方停止迫害羅興亞人，這場悲劇的發生纔可以說有些意義。